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THE FROZEN REPUBLIC

HOW THE CONSTITUTION IS PARALYZING DEMOCRACY

With breathtaking oversimplification, Lazare, New York editor of In These Times, reduces America's problems to the inefficiencies wrought by its Constitution. Tracing the Constitution from its creation by a group of elitist ``Country gentlemen,'' Lazare argues that it was anything but revolutionary. Indeed, he contends, the Constitution epitomized an antique, deeply conservative Whig tendency that he calls the ``Country'' ideology, which favored a balanced government of limited and narrowly defined powers, commitment to traditional English liberties, decentralization, and rural self-sufficiency. This thinking, discredited by 1787 in rapidly industrializing Britain itself, remained in full flower in post-revolutionary America, Lazare asserts. Plainly, he thinks the creaky constitutional machinery and its checks and balances, designed to protect popular freedom against concentrations of arbitrary power, was excessively cumbersome and pernicious from its inception, and he points out that it has nearly broken down or failed to respond in several national crises, most spectacularly the Civil War. Lazare seems to think our Constitution has never worked well, and he attributes every modern national problem to the obstacles it poses, from judicial review to equal state suffrage in the Senate. Although he denounces the Constitution as an ``antidemocratic'' document, his principal objection seems to be that it produces inefficient, chaotic government. He proposes transforming the House of Representatives into a sort of British Parliament and making it supreme over the Senate, the executive, and the Supreme Court, thereby eliminating the checks and balances he so detests. But instead of making a good case for reform, Lazare takes us on an iffy historical survey, overdoes his argument for constitutional inefficiency, and ends with some pedestrian proposals. A British backbencher would be amused by the suggestion that parliamentary government is efficient and democratic, as would an American by the author's asserting the moral authority of the House of Representatives. (Author tour)

Pub Date: Jan. 15, 1996

ISBN: 0-15-100085-9

Page Count: 448

Publisher: Harcourt

Review Posted Online: May 19, 2010

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Oct. 15, 1995

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A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

For Howard Zinn, long-time civil rights and anti-war activist, history and ideology have a lot in common. Since he thinks that everything is in someone's interest, the historian—Zinn posits—has to figure out whose interests he or she is defining/defending/reconstructing (hence one of his previous books, The Politics of History). Zinn has no doubts about where he stands in this "people's history": "it is a history disrespectful of governments and respectful of people's movements of resistance." So what we get here, instead of the usual survey of wars, presidents, and institutions, is a survey of the usual rebellions, strikes, and protest movements. Zinn starts out by depicting the arrival of Columbus in North America from the standpoint of the Indians (which amounts to their standpoint as constructed from the observations of the Europeans); and, after easily establishing the cultural disharmony that ensued, he goes on to the importation of slaves into the colonies. Add the laborers and indentured servants that followed, plus women and later immigrants, and you have Zinn's amorphous constituency. To hear Zinn tell it, all anyone did in America at any time was to oppress or be oppressed; and so he obscures as much as his hated mainstream historical foes do—only in Zinn's case there is that absurd presumption that virtually everything that came to pass was the work of ruling-class planning: this amounts to one great indictment for conspiracy. Despite surface similarities, this is not a social history, since we get no sense of the fabric of life. Instead of negating the one-sided histories he detests, Zinn has merely reversed the image; the distortion remains.

Pub Date: Jan. 1, 1979

ISBN: 0061965588

Page Count: 772

Publisher: Harper & Row

Review Posted Online: May 26, 2012

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Jan. 1, 1979

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HOW DEMOCRACIES DIE

The value of this book is the context it provides, in a style aimed at a concerned citizenry rather than fellow academics,...

A provocative analysis of the parallels between Donald Trump’s ascent and the fall of other democracies.

Following the last presidential election, Levitsky (Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America, 2003, etc.) and Ziblatt (Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy, 2017, etc.), both professors of government at Harvard, wrote an op-ed column titled, “Is Donald Trump a Threat to Democracy?” The answer here is a resounding yes, though, as in that column, the authors underscore their belief that the crisis extends well beyond the power won by an outsider whom they consider a demagogue and a liar. “Donald Trump may have accelerated the process, but he didn’t cause it,” they write of the politics-as-warfare mentality. “The weakening of our democratic norms is rooted in extreme partisan polarization—one that extends beyond policy differences into an existential conflict over race and culture.” The authors fault the Republican establishment for failing to stand up to Trump, even if that meant electing his opponent, and they seem almost wistfully nostalgic for the days when power brokers in smoke-filled rooms kept candidacies restricted to a club whose members knew how to play by the rules. Those supporting the candidacy of Bernie Sanders might take as much issue with their prescriptions as Trump followers will. However, the comparisons they draw to how democratic populism paved the way toward tyranny in Peru, Venezuela, Chile, and elsewhere are chilling. Among the warning signs they highlight are the Republican Senate’s refusal to consider Barack Obama’s Supreme Court nominee as well as Trump’s demonization of political opponents, minorities, and the media. As disturbing as they find the dismantling of Democratic safeguards, Levitsky and Ziblatt suggest that “a broad opposition coalition would have important benefits,” though such a coalition would strike some as a move to the center, a return to politics as usual, and even a pragmatic betrayal of principles.

The value of this book is the context it provides, in a style aimed at a concerned citizenry rather than fellow academics, rather than in the consensus it is not likely to build.

Pub Date: Jan. 16, 2018

ISBN: 978-1-5247-6293-3

Page Count: 320

Publisher: Crown

Review Posted Online: Nov. 12, 2017

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Dec. 1, 2017

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