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STATECRAFT

AND HOW TO RESTORE AMERICA’S STANDING IN THE WORLD

Brimming with important ideas, well-organized and well-argued, but lacking the stylistic polish and panache that would...

A former Middle East envoy for the Bush I and Clinton administrations argues that the current President Bush’s team has abandoned “statecraft” in favor of lecturing, posturing, bullying and bombing, thereby making the world a far more dangerous place.

Ross (The Missing Peace, 2004) is most knowledgeable about the Middle East, unsurprisingly, and issues in that region dominate his plodding but important text. He writes with great understanding about the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts, Iran, Iraq and the rise of what he calls “non-state actors,” such as Osama bin Laden. He begins with a long, textbookish definition of “statecraft,” as distinguished from ordinary diplomacy. An early chapter deals with recent failures of the craft—Bush I’s neglect of the Balkans, Clinton’s inaction in Rwanda, Bush II’s bloody boondoggle in Iraq—and insists that the United States must quickly return to “a statecraft mentality.” Ross then offers a number of case studies in effective statecraft: Bush I’s handling of German reunification and his crafting of the coalition that drove Iraqi forces out of Kuwait; Clinton’s tardy though effective work with the Balkans. He follows with a hard look at Bush II’s failed Iraq policies and strategies, then hammers hard his theme that our objectives must align with our means and our strategies. He identifies state-supported terror, WMDs, weak and failing states as among the most serious challenges we face today and outlines 12 rules our diplomats should follow in the practice of statecraft. Unfortunately, this section and some later ones read and look like PowerPoint presentations designed for undergraduates, and pop-culture jargon like “tough love” and “good cop-bad cop” attenuates the gravitas established earlier. Ross concludes with some strong passages dealing with our most troubling challenges: radical Islam, Iran and the rise of China.

Brimming with important ideas, well-organized and well-argued, but lacking the stylistic polish and panache that would attract a wider readership.

Pub Date: June 1, 2007

ISBN: 978-0-374-29928-6

Page Count: 384

Publisher: Farrar, Straus and Giroux

Review Posted Online: May 19, 2010

Kirkus Reviews Issue: April 1, 2007

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A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

For Howard Zinn, long-time civil rights and anti-war activist, history and ideology have a lot in common. Since he thinks that everything is in someone's interest, the historian—Zinn posits—has to figure out whose interests he or she is defining/defending/reconstructing (hence one of his previous books, The Politics of History). Zinn has no doubts about where he stands in this "people's history": "it is a history disrespectful of governments and respectful of people's movements of resistance." So what we get here, instead of the usual survey of wars, presidents, and institutions, is a survey of the usual rebellions, strikes, and protest movements. Zinn starts out by depicting the arrival of Columbus in North America from the standpoint of the Indians (which amounts to their standpoint as constructed from the observations of the Europeans); and, after easily establishing the cultural disharmony that ensued, he goes on to the importation of slaves into the colonies. Add the laborers and indentured servants that followed, plus women and later immigrants, and you have Zinn's amorphous constituency. To hear Zinn tell it, all anyone did in America at any time was to oppress or be oppressed; and so he obscures as much as his hated mainstream historical foes do—only in Zinn's case there is that absurd presumption that virtually everything that came to pass was the work of ruling-class planning: this amounts to one great indictment for conspiracy. Despite surface similarities, this is not a social history, since we get no sense of the fabric of life. Instead of negating the one-sided histories he detests, Zinn has merely reversed the image; the distortion remains.

Pub Date: Jan. 1, 1979

ISBN: 0061965588

Page Count: 772

Publisher: Harper & Row

Review Posted Online: May 26, 2012

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Jan. 1, 1979

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HOW DEMOCRACIES DIE

The value of this book is the context it provides, in a style aimed at a concerned citizenry rather than fellow academics,...

A provocative analysis of the parallels between Donald Trump’s ascent and the fall of other democracies.

Following the last presidential election, Levitsky (Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America, 2003, etc.) and Ziblatt (Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy, 2017, etc.), both professors of government at Harvard, wrote an op-ed column titled, “Is Donald Trump a Threat to Democracy?” The answer here is a resounding yes, though, as in that column, the authors underscore their belief that the crisis extends well beyond the power won by an outsider whom they consider a demagogue and a liar. “Donald Trump may have accelerated the process, but he didn’t cause it,” they write of the politics-as-warfare mentality. “The weakening of our democratic norms is rooted in extreme partisan polarization—one that extends beyond policy differences into an existential conflict over race and culture.” The authors fault the Republican establishment for failing to stand up to Trump, even if that meant electing his opponent, and they seem almost wistfully nostalgic for the days when power brokers in smoke-filled rooms kept candidacies restricted to a club whose members knew how to play by the rules. Those supporting the candidacy of Bernie Sanders might take as much issue with their prescriptions as Trump followers will. However, the comparisons they draw to how democratic populism paved the way toward tyranny in Peru, Venezuela, Chile, and elsewhere are chilling. Among the warning signs they highlight are the Republican Senate’s refusal to consider Barack Obama’s Supreme Court nominee as well as Trump’s demonization of political opponents, minorities, and the media. As disturbing as they find the dismantling of Democratic safeguards, Levitsky and Ziblatt suggest that “a broad opposition coalition would have important benefits,” though such a coalition would strike some as a move to the center, a return to politics as usual, and even a pragmatic betrayal of principles.

The value of this book is the context it provides, in a style aimed at a concerned citizenry rather than fellow academics, rather than in the consensus it is not likely to build.

Pub Date: Jan. 16, 2018

ISBN: 978-1-5247-6293-3

Page Count: 320

Publisher: Crown

Review Posted Online: Nov. 12, 2017

Kirkus Reviews Issue: Dec. 1, 2017

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